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ON THE ORIGIN OF CIVIL POWER
* * * * * * * * * * * * * **
DIUTURNUM
Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII
promulgated on June 29, 1881.
To the Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, and
Bishops of the Catholic world in Grace and
Communion with the Apostolic See.
The long-continued and most bitter war waged
against the divine authority of the Church has
reached the culmination to which it was tending,
the common danger, namely, of human society, and
especially of the civil power on which the public
safety chiefly reposes. In our own times most
particularly this result is apparent. For popular
passions now reject, with more boldness than
formerly, every restraint of authority. So great
is the license on all sides, so frequent are
seditions and tumults, that not only is obedience
often refused to those who rule states, but a
sufficiently safe guarantee of security does not
seem to have been left to them.
2. For a long time, indeed, pains have been taken
to render rulers the object of contempt and
hatred to the multitude. The flames of envy thus
excited have at last burst forth, and attempts
have been several times made, at very short
intervals, on the life of sovereign princes,
either by secret plots or by open attacks. The
whole of Europe was lately filled with horror at
the horrible murder of a most powerful
emperor.[1] Whilst the minds of men are still
filled with astonishment at the magnitude of the
crime, abandoned men do not fear publicly to
utter threats and intimidations against other
European princes.
3. These perils to commonwealth, which are before
Our eyes, fill Us with grave anxiety, when We
behold the security of rulers and the
tranquillity of empires, together with the safety
of nations, put in peril almost from hour to
hour. Nevertheless, the divine power of the
Christian religion has given birth to excellent
principles of stability and order for the State,
while at the same time it has penetrated into the
customs and institutions of States. And of this
power not the least nor last fruit is a just and
wise proportion of mutual rights and duties in
both princes and peoples. For in the precepts and
example of Christ our Lord there is a wonderful
force for restraining in their duty as much those
who obey as those who rule; and for keeping
between them that agreement which is most
according to nature, and that concord of wills,
so to speak, from which arises a course of
administration tranquil and free from all
disturbance. Wherefore, being, by the favor of
God, entrusted with the government of the
Catholic Church, and made guardian and
interpreter of the doctrines of Christ, We judge
that it belongs to Our jurisdiction, venerable
brethren, publicly to set forth what Catholic
truth demands of everyone in this sphere of duty;
thus making clear also by what way and by what
means measures may be taken for the public safety
in so critical a state of affairs.
4. Although man, when excited by a certain
arrogance and contumacy, has often striven to
cast aside the reins of authority, he has never
yet been able to arrive at the state of obeying
no one. In every association and community of
men, necessity itself compels that some should
hold preeminence, lest society, deprived of a
prince or head by which it is ruled should come
to dissolution and be prevented from attaining
the end for which it was created and instituted.
But, if it was not possible that political power
should be removed from the midst of states, it is
certain that men have used every art to take away
its influence and to lessen its majesty, as was
especially the case in the sixteenth century,
when a fatal novelty of opinions infatuated many.
Since that epoch, not only has the multitude
striven after a liberty greater than is just, but
it has seen fit to fashion the origin and
construction of the civil society of men in
accordance with its own will.
5. Indeed, very many men of more recent times,
walking in the footsteps of those who in a former
age assumed to themselves the name of
philosophers,[2] say that all power comes from
the people; so that those who exercise it in the
State do so not as their own, but as delegated to
them by the people, and that, by this rule, it
can be revoked by the will of the very people by
whom it was delegated. But from these, Catholics
dissent, who affirm that the right to rule is
from God, as from a natural and necessary
principle.
6. It is of importance, however, to remark in
this place that those who may be placed over the
State may in certain cases be chosen by the will
and decision of the multitude, without opposition
to or impugning of the Catholic doctrine. And by
this choice, in truth, the ruler is designated,
but the rights of ruling are not thereby
conferred. Nor is the authority delegated to him,
but the person by whom it is to be exercised is
determined upon.
7. There is no question here respecting forms of
government, for there is no reason why the Church
should not approve of the chief power being held
by one man or by more, provided only it be just,
and that it tend to the common advantage.
Wherefore, so long as justice be respected, the
people are not hindered from choosing for
themselves that form of government which suits
best either their own disposition, or the
institutions and customs of their ancestors.[3]
8. But, as regards political power, the Church
rightly teaches that it comes from God, for it
finds this clearly testified in the sacred
Scriptures and in the monuments of antiquity;
besides, no other doctrine can be conceived which
is more agreeable to reason, or more in accord
with the safety of both princes and peoples.
9. In truth, that the source of human power is in
God the books of the Old Testament in very many
places clearly establish. "By me kings reign . .
. by me princes rule, and the mighty decree
justice."[4] And in another place: "Give ear you
that rule the people . . . for power is given you
of the Lord and strength by the Most High."[5]
The same thing is contained in the Book of
Ecclesiasticus: "Over every nation he hath set a
ruler."[6] These things, however, which they had
learned of God, men were little by little
untaught through heathen superstition, which even
as it has corrupted the true aspect and often the
very concept of things, so also it has corrupted
the natural form and beauty of the chief power.
Afterwards, when the Christian Gospel shed its
light, vanity yielded to truth, and that noble
and divine principle whence all authority flows
began to shine forth. To the Roman governor,
ostentatiously pretending that he had the power
of releasing and of condemning, our Lord Jesus
Christ answered: "Thou shouldst not have any
power against me unless it were given thee from
above."[7] And St. Augustine, in explaining this
passage, says: "Let us learn what He said, which
also He taught by His Apostle, that there is no
power but from God."[8] The faithful voice of the
Apostles, as an echo, repeats the doctrine and
precepts of Jesus Christ. The teaching of Paul to
the Romans, when subject to the authority of
heathen princes, is lofty and full of gravity:
"There is not power but from God," from which, as
from its cause, he draws this conclusion: "The
prince is the minister of God."[9]
10. The Fathers of the Church have taken great
care to proclaim and propagate this very doctrine
in which they had been instructed. "We do not
attribute," says St. Augustine, "the power of
giving government and empires to any but the true
God."[10] On the same passage St. John Chrysostom
says: "That there are kingdoms, and that some
rule, while others are subject, and that none of
these things is brought about by accident or
rashly . . . is, I say, a work of divine
wisdom."[11] The same truth is testified by St.
Gregory the Great, saying: "We confess that power
is given from above to emperors and kings."[12]
Verily the holy doctors have undertaken to
illustrate also the same precepts by the natural
light of reason in such a way that they must
appear to be altogether right and true, even to
those who follow reason for their sole guide.
11. And, indeed, nature, or rather God who is the
Author of nature, wills that man should live in a
civil society; and this is clearly shown both by
the faculty of language, the greatest medium of
intercourse, and by numerous innate desires of
the mind, and the many necessary things, and
things of great importance, which men isolated
cannot procure, but which they can procure when
joined and associated with others. But now, a
society can neither exist nor be conceived in
which there is no one to govern the wills of
individuals, in such a way as to make, as it
were, one will out of many, and to impel them
rightly and orderly to the common good;
therefore, God has willed that in a civil society
there should be some to rule the multitude. And
this also is a powerful argument, that those by
whose authority the State is administered must be
able so to compel the citizens to obedience that
it is clearly a sin in the latter not to obey.
But no man has in himself or of himself the power
of constraining the free will of others by
fetters of authority of this kind. This power
resides solely in God, the Creator and Legislator
of all things; and it is necessary that those who
exercise it should do it as having received it
from God. "There is one lawgiver and judge, who
is able to destroy and deliver."[13] And this is
clearly seen in every kind of power. That that
which resides in priests comes from God is so
acknowledged that among all nations they are
recognized as, and called, the ministers of God.
In like manner, the authority of fathers of
families preserves a certain impressed image and
form of the authority which is in God, "of whom
all paternity in heaven and earth is named."[14]
But in this way different kinds of authority have
between them wonderful resemblances, since,
whatever there is of government and authority,
its origin is derived from one and the same
Creator and Lord of the world, who is God.
12. Those who believe civil society to have risen
from the free consent of men, looking for the
origin of its authority from the same source, say
that each individual has given up something of
his right,[15] and that voluntarily every person
has put himself into the power of the one man in
whose person the whole of those rights has been
centered. But it is a great error not to see,
what is manifest, that men, as they are not a
nomad race, have been created, without their own
free will, for a natural community of life. It is
plain, moreover, that the pact which they allege
is openly a falsehood and a fiction, and that it
has no authority to confer on political power
such great force, dignity, and firmness as the
safety of the State and the common good of the
citizens require. Then only will the government
have all those ornaments and guarantees, when it
is understood to emanate from God as its august
and most sacred source.
13. And it is impossible that any should be found
not only more true but even more advantageous
than this opinion. For the authority of the
rulers of a State, if it be a certain
communication of divine power, will by that very
reason immediately acquire a dignity greater than
human -- not, indeed, that impious and most
absurd dignity sometimes desired by heathen
emperors when affecting divine honors, but a true
and solid one received by a certain divine gift
and benefaction. Whence it will behoove citizens
to submit themselves and to be obedient to
rulers, as to God, not so much through fear of
punishment as through respect for their majesty;
nor for the sake of pleasing, but through
conscience, as doing their duty. And by this
means authority will remain far more firmly
seated in its place. For the citizens, perceiving
the force of this duty would necessarily avoid
dishonesty and contumacy, because they must be
persuaded that they who resist State authority
resist the divine will; that they who refuse
honor to rulers refuse it to God Himself.
14. This doctrine the Apostle Paul particularly
inculcated on the Romans; to whom he wrote with
so great authority and weight on the reverence to
be entertained toward the higher powers, that it
seems nothing could be prescribed more weightily:
"Let every soul be subject to higher powers, for
there is no power but from God, and those that
are, are ordained of God. Therefore he that
resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of
God, and they that resist purchase to themselves
damnation . . . wherefore be subject of
necessity, not only for wrath, but also for
conscience' sake."[16] And in agreement with this
is the celebrated declaration of Peter, the
Prince of the Apostles, on the same subject: "Be
ye subject, therefore, to every human creature
for God's sake; whether it be to the king as
excelling, or to governors, as sent by him for
the punishment of evildoers, and for the praise
of the good, for so is the will of God."[17]
15. The one only reason which men have for not
obeying is when anything is demanded of them
which is openly repugnant to the natural or the
divine law, for it is equally unlawful to command
to do anything in which the law of nature or the
will of God is violated. If, therefore, it should
happen to any one to be compelled to prefer one
or the other, viz., to disregard either the
commands of God or those of rulers, he must obey
Jesus Christ, who commands us to "give to Caesar
the things that are Caesar's, and to God the
things that are God's,"[18] and must reply
courageously after the example of the Apostles:
"We ought to obey God rather than men."[19] And
yet there is no reason why those who so behave
themselves should be accused of refusing
obedience; for, if the will of rulers is opposed
to the will and the laws of God, they themselves
exceed the bounds of their own power and pervert
justice; nor can their authority then be valid,
which, when there is no justice, is null.
16. But in order that justice may be retained in
government it is of the highest importance that
those who rule States should understand that
political power was not created for the advantage
of any private individual; and that the
administration of the State must be carried on to
the profit of those who have been committed to
their care, not to the profit of those to whom it
has been committed. Let princes take example from
the Most High God, by whom authority is given to
them; and, placing before themselves His model in
governing the State, let them rule over the
people with equity and faithfulness, and let them
add to that severity, which is necessary, a
paternal charity. On this account they are warned
in the oracles of the sacred Scriptures, that
they will have themselves some day to render an
account to the King of kings and Lord of lords;
if they shall fail in their duty, that it will
not be possible for them in any way to escape the
severity of God: "The Most High will examine your
work and search out your thoughts: because being
ministers of his kingdom you have not judged
rightly. . . Horribly and speedily will he appear
to you, for a most severe judgment shall be for
them that bear rule. . . For God will not accept
any man's person, neither will he stand in awe of
any man's greatness; for he made the little and
the great, and he hath equally care of all. But a
greater punishment is ready for the more
mighty.[20]
17. And if these precepts protect the State, all
cause or desire for seditions is removed; the
honor and security of rulers, the quiet and
wellbeing of societies will be secure. The
dignity also of the citizen is best provided for;
for to them it has been permitted to retain even
in obedience that greatness which conduces to the
excellence of man. For they understand that, in
the judgment of God, there is neither slave nor
free man; that there is one Lord of all, rich "to
all that call upon Him,"[21] but that they on
this account submit to and obey their rulers,
because these in a certain sort bring before them
the image of God, "whom to serve is to reign."
18. But the Church has always so acted that the
Christian form of civil government may not dwell
in the minds of men, but that it may be exhibited
also in the life and habits of nations. As long
as there were at the helm of the States pagan
emperors, who were prevented by superstition from
rising to that form of imperial government which
We have sketched, she studied how to instill into
the minds of subjects, immediately on their
embracing the Christian institutions, the
teaching that they must be desirous of bringing
their lives into conformity with them. Therefore,
the pastors of souls, after the example of the
Apostle Paul, were accustomed to teach the people
with the utmost care and diligence "to be subject
to princes and powers, to obey at a word,"[22]
and to pray God for all men and particularly "for
kings and all that are in a high station: for
this is good and acceptable in the sight of God
our Savior."[23] And the Christians of old left
the most striking proofs of this; for, when they
were harassed in a very unjust and cruel way by
pagan emperors, they nevertheless at no time
omitted to conduct themselves obediently and
submissively, so that, in fact, they seemed to
vie with each other: those in cruelty, and these
in obedience.
19. This great modesty, this fixed determination
to obey, was so well known that it could not be
obscured by the calumny and malice of enemies. On
this account, those who were going to plead in
public before the emperors for any persons
bearing the Christian name proved by this
argument especially that it was unjust to enact
laws against the Christians because they were in
the sight of all men exemplary in their bearing
according to the laws. Athenagoras thus
confidently addresses Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
and Lucius Aurelius Commodus, his son: "You allow
us, who commit no evil, yea, who demean ourselves
the most piously and justly of all toward God and
likewise toward your government, to be driven
about, plundered and exiled."[24] In like manner,
Tertullian openly praises the Christians because
they were the best and surest friends of all to
the Empire: "The Christian is the enemy of no
one, much less of the emperor, whom he knows to
be appointed by God, and whom he must, therefore,
of necessity love, reverence and honor, and wish
to be preserved together with the whole Roman
Empire."[25] Nor did he hesitate to affirm that,
within the limits of the Empire, the number of
enemies was wont to diminish just in proportion
as the number of Christians increased.[26] There
is also a remarkable testimony to the same point
in the Epistle to Diognetus, which confirms the
statement that the Christians at that period were
not only in the habit of obeying the laws, but in
every office they of their own accord did more,
and more perfectly, than they were required to do
by the laws. "Christians observe these things
which have obtained the sanction of the law, and
in the character of their lives they even go
beyond the law."[27]
20. The case, indeed, was different when they
were ordered by the edicts of emperors and the
threats of praetors to abandon the Christian
faith or in any way fail in their duty. At these
times, undoubtedly, they preferred to displease
men rather than God. Yet, even under these
circumstances, they were so far from doing
anything seditious or despising the imperial
majesty that they took it on themselves only to
profess themselves Christians, and declare that
they would not in any way alter their faith. But
they had no thought of resistance, calmly and
joyfully they went to the torture of the rack, in
so much that the magnitude of the torments gave
place to their magnitude of mind. During the same
period the force of Christian principles was
observed in like manner in the army. For it was a
mark of a Christian soldier to combine the
greatest fortitude with the greatest attention to
military discipline, and to add to nobility of
mind immovable fidelity towards his prince. But,
if anything dishonorable was required of him, as,
for instance, to break the laws of God, or to
turn his sword against innocent disciples of
Christ, then, indeed, he refused to execute the
orders, yet in such wise that he would rather
retire from the army and die for his religion
than oppose the public authority by means of
sedition and tumult.
21. But afterward, when Christian rulers were at
the head of States, the Church insisted much more
on testifying and preaching how much sanctity was
inherent in the authority of rulers. Hence, when
people thought of princedom, the image of a
certain sacred majesty would present itself to
their minds, by which they would be impelled to
greater reverence and love of rulers. And on this
account she wisely provides that kings should
commence their reign with the celebration of
solemn rites; which, in the Old Testament, was
appointed by divine authority.[28]
22. But from the time when the civil society of
men, raised from the ruins of the Roman Empire,
gave hope of its future Christian greatness, the
Roman Pontiffs, by the institution of the Holy
Empire, consecrated the political power in a
wonderful manner. Greatly, indeed, was the
authority of rulers ennobled; and it is not to be
doubted that what was then instituted would
always have been a very great gain, both to
ecclesiastical and civil society, if princes and
peoples had ever looked to the same object as the
Church. And, indeed, tranquillity and a
sufficient prosperity lasted so long as there was
a friendly agreement between these two powers. If
the people were turbulent, the Church was at once
the mediator for peace. Recalling all to their
duty, she subdued the more lawless passions
partly by kindness and partly by authority. So,
if, in ruling, princes erred in their government,
she went to them and, putting before them the
rights, needs, and lawful wants of their people,
urged them to equity, mercy, and kindness. Whence
it was often brought about that the dangers of
civil wars and popular tumults were stayed.
23. On the other hand, the doctrines on political
power invented by late writers have already
produced great ills amongst men, and it is to be
feared that they will cause the very greatest
disasters to posterity. For an unwillingness to
attribute the right of ruling to God, as its
Author, is not less than a willingness to blot
out the greatest splendor of political power and
to destroy its force. And they who say that this
power depends on the will of the people err in
opinion first of all; then they place authority
on too weak and unstable a foundation. For the
popular passions, incited and goaded on by these
opinions, will break out more insolently; and,
with great harm to the common weal, descend
headlong by an easy and smooth road to revolts
and to open sedition. In truth, sudden uprisings
and the boldest rebellions immediately followed
in Germany the so-called Reformation,[29] the
authors and leaders of which, by their new
doctrines, attacked at the very foundation
religious and civil authority; and this with so
fearful an outburst of civil war and with such
slaughter that there was scarcely any place free
from tumult and bloodshed. From this heresy there
arose in the last century a false philosophy -- a
new right as it is called, and a popular
authority, together with an unbridled license
which many regard as the only true liberty. Hence
we have reached the limit of horrors, to wit,
communism, socialism, nihilism, hideous
deformities of the civil society of men and
almost its ruin. And yet too many attempt to
enlarge the scope of these evils, and under the
pretext of helping the multitude, already have
fanned no small flames of misery. The things we
thus mention are neither unknown nor very remote
from us.
24. This, indeed, is all the graver because
rulers, in the midst of such threatening dangers,
have no remedies sufficient to restore discipline
and tranquillity. They supply themselves with the
power of laws, and think to coerce, by the
severity of their punishment, those who disturb
their governments. They are right to a certain
extent, but yet should seriously consider that no
power of punishment can be so great that it alone
can preserve the State. For fear, as St. Thomas
admirably teaches, "is a weak foundation; for
those who are subdued by fear would, should an
occasion arise in which they might hope for
immunity, rise more eagerly against their rulers,
in proportion to the previous extent of their
restraint through fear." And besides, "from too
great fear many fall into despair; and despair
drives men to attempt boldly to gain what they
desire."[30] That these things are so we see from
experience. It is therefore necessary to seek a
higher and more reliable reason for obedience,
and to say explicitly that legal severity cannot
be efficacious unless men are led on by duty, and
moved by the salutary fear of God. But this is
what religion can best ask of them, religion
which by its power enters into the souls and
bends the very wills of men causing them not only
to render obedience to their rulers, but also to
show their affection and good will, which is in
every society of men the best guardian of safety.
25. For this reason the Roman Pontiffs are to be
regarded as having greatly served the public
good, for they have ever endeavored to break the
turbulent and restless spirit of innovators, and
have often warned men of the danger they are to
civil society. In this respect we may worthily
recall to mind the declaration of Clement VII to
Ferdinand, King of Bohemia and Hungary: "In the
cause of faith your own dignity and advantage and
that of other rulers is included, since the faith
cannot be shaken without your authority being
brought down; which has been most clearly shown
in several instances." In the same way the
supreme forethought and courage of Our
predecessors have been shown, especially of
Clement XI, Benedict XIV, and Leo XII,[31] who,
when in their day the evil of vicious doctrine
was more widely spreading and the boldness of the
sects was becoming greater, endeavored by their
authority to close the door against them. And We
Ourselves have several times declared what great
dangers are impending, and have pointed out the
best ways of warding them off. To princes and
other rulers of the State we have offered the
protection of religion, and we have exhorted the
people to make abundant use of the great benefits
which the Church supplies. Our present object is
to make rulers understand that this protection,
which is stronger than any, is again offered to
them; and We earnestly exhort them in our Lord to
defend religion, and to consult the interest of
their Lord to defend religion, and to consult the
interest of their States by giving that liberty
to the Church which cannot be taken away without
injury and ruin to the commonwealth.
26. The Church of Christ, indeed, cannot be an
object of suspicion to rulers, nor of hatred to
the people; for it urges rulers to follow
justice, and in nothing to decline from their
duty; while at the same time it strengthens and
in many ways supports their authority. All things
that are of a civil nature the Church
acknowledges and declares to be under the power
and authority of the ruler; and in things whereof
for different reasons the decision belongs both
to the sacred and to the civil power, the Church
wishes that there should be harmony between the
two so that injurious contests may be avoided. As
to what regards the people, the Church has been
established for the salvation of all men and has
ever loved them as a mother. For it is the Church
which by the exercise of her charity has given
gentleness to the minds of men, kindness to their
manners, and justice to their laws. Never opposed
to honest liberty, the Church has always detested
a tyrant's rule. This custom which the Church has
ever had of deserving well of mankind is notably
expressed by St. Augustine when he says that "the
Church teaches kings to study the welfare of
their people, and people to submit to their
kings, showing what is due to all: and that to
all is due charity and to no one injustice."[32]
27. For these reasons, venerable brethren, your
work will be most useful and salutary if you
employ with us every industry and effort which
God has given you in order to avert the dangers
and evils of human society. Strive with all
possible care to make men understand and show
forth in their lives what the Catholic Church
teaches on government and the duty of obedience.
Let the people be frequently urged by your
authority and teaching to fly from the forbidden
sects, to abhor all conspiracy, to have nothing
to do with sedition, and let them understand that
they who for God's sake obey their rulers render
a reasonable service and a generous obedience.
And as it is God "who gives safety to kings,"[33]
and grants to the people "to rest in the beauty
of peace and in the tabernacles of confidence and
in wealthy repose,"[34] it is to Him that we must
pray, beseeching Him to incline all minds to
uprightness and truth, to calm angry passions, to
restore the long-wished-for tranquillity to the
world.
28. That we may pray with greater hope, let us
take as our intercessors and protectors of our
welfare the Virgin Mary, the great Mother of God,
the help of Christians, and protector of the
human race; St. Joseph, her chaste spouse, in
whose patronage the whole Church greatly trusts;
and the Princes of the Apostles, Peter and Paul,
the guardians and protectors of the Christian
name.
Given at St. Peter's in Rome, the twenty-ninth
day of June, 1881, the third year of Our
pontificate.
ENDNOTES:
* 1. An allusion to Alexander II (1818-81)
Emperor of Russia a liberally minded sovereign
and a great social reformer, who was murdered
March 13, 1881, by a group of nihilists, in St.
Petersburg.
* 2. The name of Philosophers is usually given to
a group of eighteenth- century French writers,
especially Voltaire, d'Alembert and Diderot.
Their main views are contained in the
"Encyclopedie" (1751-72).
* 3. See Introduction, p. 13-15.
* 4. Prov. 8:15-16.
* 5. Wisd. 6:3-4.
* 6. Ecclus. 7:14.
* 7. John 19:11.
* 8. Tract. 116 in Joan., n. 5 (PL 35, 1942).
* 9. Rom. 13:1-4.
* 10. "De civ., Dei," 5, 21 (PL 41, 167).
* 11. In "Epist. ad Rom.," Homil. 23, n. 1 (PG
60, 615). * 12. In "Epist. lib. II," epist. 61.
* 13. James 4:12.
* 14. Eph. 3:15.
* 15. An allusion to the doctrine of "Social
contract," developed by Jean- Jacques Rousseau
(1712-78). According to this doctrine, all
political power comes to rulers from the people .
* 16. Rom. 13:1-2, 5.
* 17. 1 Peter 2:13, 15.
* 18. Matt. 22:21.
* 19. Acts 5:29.
* 20. Wisd. 6:4-6, 8-9.
* 21. Rom. 10:12.
* 22. Tit. 3:1.
* 23. I Tim. 2:1-3.
* 24. "Legatio pro christianis," 1 (PG 6,
891B-894A). * 25. "Apolog.," 35.
* 26. "Apolog.," 37 (PL 1, 526A).
* 27. "Ad Diogn.," 10 ("A Diognete," ed. H. I.
Marrou, Paris, 1951, pp. 64- 65).
* 28. I Kings 9:16; 10:1; 16:13.
* 29. Especially the Peasant Revolt and its
repression by the German princes. Luther himself
then had to stress the duty of the citizens to
obey the civil power ("On the Civil Power,"
1523).
* 30. "On the Governance of Rulers," 1, 10.
* 31. Clement XI (1700-21); Benedict XIV
(1740-58); Leo XII (1823-29).
* 32. "De mor. eccl.," 1, 30, 53 (PL 32, 1236).
* 33. Ps. 152:11.
* 34. Isa. 37:18.
Freemasonry must die, or liberty must die." -- Charles G. Finney
FREEMASONRY IS KABBALISTIC, NOT CHRISTIAN!
VISIT
TALMUDUNMASKED.COM FOR MORE INFORMATION.
THOSE WHO WILL NOT BE RULED BY CHRIST WILL BE RULED BY ANTI-CHRIST.
"Those who sin are slaves, and slaves have no rights."
-- Jesus Christ, John 8:34
"Qabalah is the heart of the
Western Hermetic tradition; it is the foundation upon which the art
of Western magic rests." -- Sandra and Chic Cicero, the authors of "The
Essencial Golden Dawn: An Introduction to High Magic",
page 96. Llewlellyn Publications
"For by thy sorceries were all nations decieved." Rev. 18:23
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-- Thomas Penn
NO KING BUT JESUS!
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"Join me in battle, little children,
against the black beast, Masonry..."
Mother Mary [source: Father Gobbi,
Evolution & Freemasonry]
"THEIR GOD IS THE DEVIL.
THEIR LAW IS UNTRUTH.
THEIR CULT IS TURPITUDE."
Pope Pius IX, speaking of
Freemasonry
"Yea, ye took up the tabernacle of
Moloch,
and the star of your god
Remphan,
figures which ye make to worship
them; and I will carry you away
beyond Babylon." Acts 7:43 KJV
Wherefore come out from among
them, and be ye separate,
saith the Lord, and touch not
the unclean thing.." (II
Corinthians 6:18 KJV)
Joan of Arc on
the Bohemians
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